It was just a minor cut. It's already healed, see? He hadn't managed to escape a Cutting Hex entirely during their pursuit of a man who was suspected of breeding illegal magical creatures and a long cut had adorned his arm until he had found the time to heal it with a spell. The flames turned bright green and whisked him away to the cottage he was sharing with Hermione where she was waiting for him to come home.
Shaking his head fondly, Harry grabbed some Floo powder out of the jar and threw it into the flames as soon as they turned golden red again, calling out his own destination. As soon as he stumbled out of the hearth, his attention was grabbed by Draco's bag placed next to the couch and he cocked his head, unclasping his Auror robes. Draco was already home? Had there been another incident? He didn't find the blond in the kitchen and he wasn't in the living room either.
Curiosity brimming inside him he made his way upstairs, wondering whether the other wizard was in his own study. A smile spread across his lips when he saw light dancing underneath the door of Draco's study; the dark wooden door standing slightly ajar. He crossed the landing, his shoes soundless on the carpet, but paused surprised when he heard Zabini's voice drifting out of the room. AN2: Does this count as a cliffhanger? A minor one then. Anyway, please leave your thoughts behind in a review.
Harry is slowly making progress now, but I hope it doesn't come across as rushed. For more information about my upcoming and posted stories, please visit my profile.
Story Story Writer Forum Community. Books Harry Potter. Harry never realised just how much of an impact looks have until one attack changes his life forever. Birthday fic; Harry's pov; angst; disfigurement; violence; MPreg; established slash; not epilogue compliant; more warnings in chapter.
Rowling owns it. I hope you'll like it! Part 6 "And do you experience any discomfort? Fingers curled around the arms of the chair. He couldn't help but think she was right. It was both exhilarating and terrifying. It's — it's probably ridiculous," Harry admitted and flushed with embarrassment. Enjoying the quiet moment between them.
Harry smiled and in a fit of boldness swiftly leant over to peck Draco's cheek. Feeling lighter than he had done in weeks. If only all wounds were that easy to heal. Which Greengrass member was Zabini talking about?
Surely it couldn't be — "They — want to restart the negotiations for a marriage between me and Astoria. Because nothing would ever be easy for him, right? Cuddles Melissa P. Chapter 1 2. Chapter 2 3. Chapter 3 4. Chapter 4 5. Chapter 5 6. Chapter 6 7.
Chapter 7 8. The author would like to thank you for your continued support. This release will take you on a journey through our ancestral polytheism, you will hear me praising and paying tribute to our conception of life and death, resurrection, and ancestry.
This album was initally released by another project of mine, which is actually a sub-project of Sviatibor, called "Hurna Stainaz". Progressive Metal Sceau De l'Ange. Band Name Sceau De l'Ange. This is, of course, precisely what happened to Al Gore who got over half-a-million more popular votes than George W. Bush in It happens because you get the same prize—all of a state's electors—if you win a state narrowly or by a handsome margin.
With electors voting in a block, moreover, the countermajoritarian tendencies of the Electoral College are exacerbated. Lawrence Longley and Neal Peirce have shown that the unit rule benefits the larger states most, especially California, Texas, and New York. This approach also reveals, however, that voters in many small states—like Wyoming, Alaska, and Idaho—have more of a chance of determining the outcome than those in states that have six, seven, eight, and nine electors, like Arkansas, Oregon, Connecticut, and Louisiana.
It is also true that, as George Edwards has argued, "the relative probability of affecting the election outcomes is outweighed by the extraordinarily low absolute probability that it will occur. In fact, such a proposal was on the ballot in Colorado in , but it was defeated handily—65 to 35 percent—and George W.
Bush picked up all of the state's nine electoral votes. I did mention earlier that fortyeight states use the unit rule; two others, Maine and Nebraska, utilize a further possibility, the district system. Here, the states distribute each elector they receive for their House representation to the candidate who wins the popular vote in the corresponding congressional district, granting the two at large electors to the winner of the state-wide popular vote.
Neither Maine—which accepted the method in —nor Nebraska—which had it in place for —have ever had to split their electoral vote between the parties.
Despite the fact that if the district plan had been embraced nationally in Bush would still have won , a systemic adoption of the approach would lessen the possibility that candidates who lost the popular vote would become president. Indeed, in a proposal to adopt the district plan passed the Florida House and a Senate committee.
Of course, if Florida had done so, Al Gore—who won ten congressional districts in the state—would have become president in January Quite presciently, it was the Democrats who pushed for the method back then and Republicans who vehemently opposed it. One they do not mention is the Florida Senate's fateful failure to pass the district plan.
If no candidate wins a majority in the Electoral College, the Constitution gives the responsibility of choosing the president to the House of Representatives. Each state's delegation has one vote and must vote as a block. Of course, having the House decide a presidential election is a rare event—it last happened in when Speaker Henry Clay, having come fourth in the Electoral College and therefore not eligible for the House vote under the Twelfth Amendment, threw his support and considerable influence behind John Quincy Adams so as to defeat Andrew Jackson, the winner of a plurality of electoral votes.
The party line? For the candidate who won the popular vote in the member's district? One can only imagine the media frenzy and the behind-the-scenes negotiating that would go on. Perhaps we would see things like the purported deal in between Adams and Clay to make the latter Secretary of State. The idea that the House could determine a presidential election in the near future is not quite the fantasy it appears.
In the spring and summer of there was a serious discussion about the possibility of Ross Perot winning enough electoral votes to deprive George H. Bush or Bill Clinton of a majority and throw the election into the chamber. In the summer of , mathematician Nathan Ritchey computed from contemporaneous polls that there was a 1.
In we would have had a tie if Ohio which, as we remember, was nearly that year's Florida and Iowa which Bush won by 13, votes went for Kerry and Wisconsin which Kerry won by a meager 12, votes fell to Bush. If we do have a tie, the Republicans' small-state advantage means they will fancy their chances. Bush's thirty-to-twenty state advantage in the popular vote of would have surely made him president if the contest had been decided in the House—and probably in a manner less controversial than the way he ultimately won.
Interestingly, there exists research to show that the Electoral College has a Democratic bias that is unrelated to the small-state hit of the institution. Political scientists Jim Garand and Wayne Parent have shown, for instance, that from World War II through the s the Democratic candidate should have expected to receive slightly more of the electoral vote than the Republican w h e n popular vote shares were made identical.
Bush, was only , Ohio votes away from winning in the Electoral College. And clearly, given that Al Gore lost the election but captured a plurality of the popular vote, Garand and Parent's approach shows the Electoral College of to be biased in favor of Republicans.
What is more, a comparison of the and results reveals an increasing Republican edge to the institution. This is highlighted by exploring the swing toward or away from the Democratic and Republican candidates between and The swing is the amount, compared to the party's share of the national popular vote, the party's vote increased or decreased in a state between and By way of example, Bill Clinton's vote in Alabama in was 6.
As a result, the Democratic swing in Alabama between the two elections was -. If we look at the top states by size— the states which are most handicapped by the federal complexion of the Electoral College—the average Democratic swing between and was.
But there was a distinct swing toward the Republicans and away from the Democrats in the ten smallest and most advantaged states, a 1. Between and , interestingly, the Democratic candidate's vote improved more in the ten smallest states than it did the ten largest—mainly because much of Ralph Nader's vote shifted to Kerry in environmentally conscious states like Alaska, the Dakotas, Montana, and Vermont.
As for the ten fastest growing states—those slated to pick up the most electoral votes in the years to come—the swing was again decisively toward the GOP an average of 1. The situation for Democrats improved in the expanding states between and , and there was a very slight swing in their favor.
Yet these states still on average gave Kerry 6 percent less than his national vote and Bush 5. An examination of the last four presidential races gives us additional insight into how the small-state bias in the Electoral College advantages Republicans. Of the thirty-four states that voted for candidates of the same party on all four occasions, eighteen went to the Democrats and sixteen to the GOP.
For the Republicans, the number was twelve states—or 75 percent. Not only are Senators Boxer and Enzi from states of different sizes, their homes are located in two different parts of the country. California, on the Pacific coast, is a part of what we might call "Democratic country" or the states generally colored blue on the electoral map, Wyoming a part of "Big Sky" and red "Republican country. Contemporary electoral cartography shows the Democrats to have three strongholds: the Northeast, the industrial Midwest, and the Pacific coast.
In fact, the geographical divides between the parties are so neat that of the forty-eight contiguous states, only New Hampshire and New Mexico are completely surrounded by states won by the other party in —and, what's more, Bush only won New Hampshire by just over 7, votes, and Gore captured New Mexico by In , New Hampshire went for Kerry and New Mexico for Bush, meaning that not a single state was totally encircled by others won by the opposition party.
It is interesting that although geographic distinctions are continually being eroded throughout American social and economic life—not least by jet travel, the electronic media, and a national, even global, economy—our party politics retain a peculiarly old-fashioned regionalism. This geography is quite new. The transformation to it has also been greatly chronicled, but it bears repeating quickly. In the elections—a year in which the candidates of the two major Parties were divided by less than 5 percent of the popular vote— Republican Thomas Dewey did not win a single state in the south but won every state north and east of Washington, D.
After that election two lone ennesseans were the only Republican members of the House legation from the old Confederacy, and only twenty members rom the industrial heartland states of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, ni o , Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin were Democrats. The congressional delegation was changing, too. Of the twenty-two senators representing the old Confederacy's states in the 93rd Congress begun in , seven were Republicans. In the same Congress, only fourteen of the thirty-four senators from the seventeen states completely inside the "L" that is formed by lines connecting Minnesota, Missouri, and Virginia were from the GOP.
Ronald Reagan's electoral successes and the Republican take over of both houses of Congress for the first time in forty years represented the final stage of this geographical metamorphosis.
By , for example, when the GOP was losing for the first time in sixteen years at the presidential level, the only state east of the Mississippi River and outside the South that George Bush could win was Indiana, and yet he beat the all-southern Clinton-Gore ticket in Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia. After the famous congressional midterm elections, a majority of the House delegation from the old Confederate states was Republican for the first time since Reconstruction.
Two recent and important books cast serious doubts on the ability of the GOP to dominate southern politics in the future—citing, among other things, the growing importance of the minority vote and the fear national Republicans have of offering southerners the kind of social conservatism they desire.
A glance at the county-level results in is equally revealingIt is dramatically apparent that Bush captured more counties—he was the victor in 78 percent of the nation's 3,—and that these counties were generally larger than average covering 81 percent of the country's territory. The year brought little change. In Bush received only one in four votes in population centers with over half-a-million people, but 60 percent of the vote in centers with less than 50, people.
The other geography of current party politics, therefore, has the Republicans in control of rural areas and small towns and the Democrats dominant in the cities. Democrats have had their recent successes in the sticks, as Mark Warner's winning gubernatorial candidacy in Virginia in illustrated.
Warner made dramatic gains for his party in the bucolic southern and western areas of the state but only because he mixed his populist economic message with strong support for the death penalty and gun rights and vocal opposition to gay marriage. These are, of course, generally seen as GOP positions and there are few Democrats today who share them.
The Democrats also used to do better in countrified America. The rural electorate gave only 2 percent more of its vote to Bob Dole than Bill Clinton in Now the small-town and rural vote is, like that of the South, becoming increasingly Republican. The Democrats seem to focus on cities and have the view, to use John Edwards' words, that "rural America is just someplace to fly over between a fundraiser in Manhattan and a fundraiser in Beverly Hills.
It was to no avail. Kerry captured only 42 percent of the rural vote. Reasons for the Democrats' rural exodus are numerous. Michael Barone, for example, has written that voters outside metropolitan areas in the East, West, and Midwest "are more anti-corruption, tradition-minded, and religious than the national average" and that Bill Clinton's personal morality and Al Gore's cultural liberalism greatly hurt Democrats in in "parts of the West, the farm belt, and eastern coal country.
As a consequence, Al Gore's anti-gun stance in devastated his chances in swing states like Arkansas, Tennessee, and West Virginia and has helped place much of Big Sky and Rocky Mountain country out of his party's reach.
His reward? Bush won 63 percent of the vote of people who had a gun owner in the household. With the Democrats maintaining a vice-like grip on urban America—for example, Kerry won 83 percent of the vote in San Francisco, over 80 percent in Philadelphia, about 75 percent in New York City, and well over two-thirds of the vote in Cook County, home of Chicago—the suburbs have become the battleground.
The and elections were indicative of this competition. The presidential races in the suburbs during those years were a microcosm of the country—essentially the parties were tied with Gore and Kerry winning the coasts and Bush, the interior. In Gore won the traditional bellwether and older suburban Detroit county of Macomb-— tellingly, Kerry lost it narrowly four years later.
To be sure, suburbanites sometimes worry about the Republicans' laissez-faire approach to sprawl and its social conservatism, especially the party's stances on public education, race, and abortion. They also warm to the GOP's traditionally decentralized philosophy about government that argues suburban taxpayers should not pay for the problems of their urban neighbors.
In Staten Islanders voted to secede from New York City, only for their effort to be blocked by the state legislature. In November many in the San Fernando valley and Hollywood areas of Los Angeles tried to split off from the city but were defeated in a referendum because of squabbles between the two communities, a wordy and complicated ballot, huge opposition from urban voters, and a deft campaign by Los Angeles mayor James Hahn, who warned residents of the secessionist areas that they would have to pay huge amounts of "alimony" to the city.
John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira have written about the "ideopolis"— a physical place in the postindustrial economy where livings are made in the high technology and service sectors, neighborhoods are spacious, and attitudes "tend to be libertarian and bohemian.
Here, livelihoods are made largely in businesses related to the Internet, computer software, biotechnology and health care, telecommunications, financial services, government and higher education, or "soft technology" like architecture, me d i a , and advertising. Attracted to "ideopolises," "Nerdistans," and, to some extent, "edge cities" are what Richard Florida calls the "creative class"— a distinctively liberal crowd made up of a disproportionate number of gay and foreign-born Americans—and what David Brooks labels "Bobos"—bourgeois bohemians who mix materialism and conspicuous consumption with social liberalism in a gooey apolitical mix.
Stanley Greenberg has argued that they strongly support environmental protection, relaxed immigration, and gun control. They consist of large three- or four-lane roads, strewn with traffic signals and sport-utility vehicles, that are adorned on the sides by office parks, medical-center buildings, and mega strip-malls with their Old Navys, Home Depots, Olive Gardens, and cineplexes, and that lead every half mile or so to a series of subdivisions connected by a maze of sidewalk-less streets that contain three- or four-bedroom single family homes with nicely kept lawns.
Bush beat John Kerry by three points in the suburbs. According to an October Survey USA poll, moreover, in forty-seven states Bush was doing better in the suburbs than he was in the state as a whole— conservative Colorado, Missouri, and Nevada were the exceptions.
The GOP advantage stems from the fact that suburbs are constructed so as to maximize private and family life and minimize engagement in the public sphere. It is true that crime rates, migration, and gentrification have likely undermined such institutions in urban areas, but in many cases remnants are still vibrant. In suburbia, however, a variety of factors have conspired to dilute public life. The first of these is especially evident in the Sunbelt. Building in warmer climates and with generally ample room for development, construction companies in the South and West have erected homes with large lots and fenced-in back yards.
With central air conditioning now de rigueur, the new homes in the Sunbelt also do not have porches like established ones. Affluence and the availability of home entertainment—which has increased appeal to the large proportion of Sunbelt suburbanites who have young children 6.
Moreover, the lack of public transportation has made car ownership necessary, and these communities' spaciousness has removed the incentive to build sidewalks. Geographical mobility into these communities also means that people do not have deep roots and feel little connection with the places in which they live. Residents of traditional suburbs in the Northeast and Midwest are actually less mobile than urban residents, but in many Sunbelt suburban counties, such as Fulton County where Atlanta is, about 55 percent of the population had moved house between and By , its size had topped ,, and it had long since acquired the nickname Containment sometimes Concentrated Area for Relocated ankees.
What is more, the newness of Sunbelt suburbs does not Ornish a "narrative tale" or history for the place, the principal connection between people and their hometown. Residents desire low taxes, minimal public services, and private conveniences like yard-waste collection rather than higher taxes to pay for parks, recreation centers, and sidewalks.
Local government services are frequently private and involve the construction of infrastructure to assist with commercial development. Many suburban Sunbelt residents—and about 50 million Americans in all—also live in what Evan McKenzie has called "Privatopia," communities where rules are largely dictated by homeowners' associations and not broadly democratic and public municipal governments.
Gated communities particularly encourage an inward-looking approach to life. Oprah-esque book clubs, Bunko groups, Pampered Chef parties, and coaching in junior-soccer leagues account for much personal interaction. In fact J. Eric Oliver has shown that as suburbs grow, political activity, such as contacting public officials and attending public meetings, decreases rapidly.
Even this issue, which ought to benefit Democrats, often plays out to the advantage of Republicans. Certainly there are often suburban cries to give the schools more money. Issues such as busing and the racial and ethnic mixing in schools, however, have become prevalent.
Suburban parents may not be against diversity in the abstract, but, despite the rise of magnet schools, they regularly and strenuously oppose the reassignment of their children to urban schools with large minority populations because they feel such institutions are inferior. It is true that the suburbs are becoming more racially diverse, but it is also the case that they are still disproportionately white and affluent.
The mantra is largely "keep taxes low. Groups argue on tax rates and the level of public services. To be sure, there are winners and losers and often tumultuous clashes, but participants and their constituents become aware of the political needs and desires of other types of people. Wealthier voters begin to occasionally recognize the virtues of some public services.
Indeed, although there is evidence that whites feel a "power threat" and that their prejudice increases as does the proportion of people of other races in their community, there also exists much social science research to show that people have greater appreciation for those of different races and socioeconomic circumstances if they live close to them. Exurbs are sort of suburbs of the suburbs, places where people who work in the offices and stores of new American cities live.
They are essentially bedroom communities s ought after by people who are looking for more land and cheaper housing and who find contemporary suburban life too hectic and congested. They are populated by the "patio man," a twenty- or thirty-something male who, according to David Brooks who joined the term, takes pride in his souped-up backyard grill, and lo oks forward to his visits to the Home Depot.
The exurbs, although relatively new to American life, could therefore prove a boon to Republicans. Indeed, they lined up solidly behind GOP candidates in the congressional midterms.
The news gets better for Republicans when we look at population growth. It is the newer suburbs, particularly the exurbs, that are expanding dramatically. The proximity of offices, stores, and conveniences; the increased ability because of computers and the Internet for many people to work from home; and the fact that, although they are not always culturally interesting, the suburbs and exurbs often have better public schools and are clean, pleasant, and safe, have stimulated their growth.
Frey contends, exurbia is "where it is. Indeed, five of the top ten, all growing in excess of 90 percent, were in the Denver-Boulder-Colorado Springs area; the others in the top twenty were outside the suburban rings of Atlanta, Washington, D.
Even the more traditional suburbs are growing more quickly than the big cities they surround, despite signs of urban renaissance. Cook County, home of Chicago, grew 5. Around Philadelphia the trend was similar. While the city lost 4. That U. In Bush astonishingly won all of the fifty fastest growing counties measured by percentage change in population between and To show how the GOP is advantaged by these population shifts, if the election had been fought using the reapportioned Electoral College votes made necessary by shifting population detected by the census of that year—that is under the rules in place for —Bush would have won to instead of the to by which he was actually victorious.
The new political geography is an important part of the intrinsic Republican tilt to the playing field of contemporary party competition. We should not, however, exaggerate too much the importance of the constitutionally derived advantages Republicans enjoy in Senate and presidential elections.
They cannot determine partisan control of governmental institutions when sizable majorities want a certain outcome. Such rules were also unimportant when American politics was characterized by two unequal parties—what Samuel Lubell described as a sun party, which dominates and radiates, and a moon party, which can only reflect the rays of its imperious rival. However, the Republican slants to Senate and presidential elections are critical today.
When the parties are as close as they are now—and Lubell's characterization seems so antiquated—political rules can make a big difference. The small-state bias of the Senate and presidency amplify the influence of significant parts of the Republican's geographical base—the more rural, interior, and generally Western states. Some Founders felt the federal principles that provided the states equal representation were a critical part or the constitutional settlement; others realized they were a political necessity that assuaged the fears of centralized authority held by many of the document's opponents.
None could foresee their Weas contributing to Republican rule in the first decade of the twenty-first century. By constructing the U. House of Represenatives around national principles, however, the Founders did not inadvertently provide the modern GOP with inherent electoral vantages. The number of each state's representatives is proporlonatg to its population. Still, as we shall see in the next chapter, rs has not stopped the Republicans from ending four decades Democratic dominance over the lower chamber and beginning e xert some considerable control of their own.
Indeed, the Democrats formed the majority in the body for the entire period of to , and the Republicans were in control for only the 80th and 83rd Congresses in the roughly three generations between and After the seminal Supreme Court cases of Baker t-arr in and Wesberry v.
Sanders two years later, the oneF rson-one-vote principle was established, and state legislatures re forced to redraw congressional district lines so that all discts within the state were of equal size.
This was done by "packing" the districts of some Republican incumbents with GOP voters so that much of that party's vote would be wasted and "cracking" the districts of other Republicans so that there might be enough Democratic constituents to defeat the sitting member.
There is some evidence to suggest that this did happen, especially in the s when state legislatures—which were generally controlled by the Democrats, especially after the elections— were first forced to redraw.
The famous "Burton gerrymander" of in California has been used as a prime exhibit in the GOP's case about Democratic mischievousness. Here, under the supervision of U. Philip Burton, the Golden State's assembly combined the districts of six Los Angeles County Republicans into three new ones and drew a number of other bizarre-looking districts.
The new arrangement sent a delegation of twenty-eight Democrats and seventeen Republicans to the House after the elections, even though the GOP won more of the House vote in the state that year.
Morgan Kousser has shown, however, most of the supposedly "pro-Democratic" districts were not reliably so, especially when we examine their voter registration statistics.
The case for a Democratic gerrymander is also undermined a little on two other counts. First, in a revision of the Voting Rights Act signed into law by President Ronald Reagan in , states with traditions of racial discrimination were called upon to aggressively address their pasts and rectify racial malapportionment regardless of the intent of state legislatures.
In the Supreme Court case Thornburgh v. Gingles, Justice William Brennan ruled that if a minority resided in an area of racial polarization and the area was sufficiently large and compact, the state legislature should draw districts that provided the minority an opportunity to elect candidates of its choosing. A veces debes darte tiempo para pensar en lo que tienes. Esta es la historia de un amor joven, de un muchacho llamado Big Mac y de sus desventuras amorosas con Rainbow Dash.
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